May 4, 2026 – May 10, 2026 | Vol.16, #17 | ISSN 3084-9330
Photo credits: Facebook page of Newsfirst.lk English
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Over the past week, Sinhala media focused on the May Day rallies held across the country by the JVP (the primary constituent of the governing National People’s Power (NPP)) and opposition political parties.
The coverage spanned print, television, and social media commentary. Social media narratives and conversations were monitored and analysed using specialised digital tracking tools.[1]
This week’s analysis is set out under two headings.
1. What was the key event that captured public attention?
May 1: May Day rallies and celebrative events were held across the country by major political parties. Table 1 lists key political party rallies and events held on May 1.
Table 1: Key May Day rallies held on May 1
| Political party | Location/form of May Day event |
|---|---|
| National People’s Power (NPP) | Maharagama, alongside 21 regional rallies |
| Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) | P. D. Sirisena Grounds, Maligawatte |
| Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) | Campbell Park, Borella |
| Sarvajana Balaya (SB) | Henry Pedris Grounds, Colombo 5 |
| Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) | No traditional rally. Religious observances / “Sil” programme to coincide with the Poya Day |
| Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) | Hyde Park, Colombo |
| United National Party (UNP) | No May Day rally. UNP announced that it would refrain from political activity because May Day coincided with the Poya Day |
Over the past week, Sinhala media focused on the May Day rallies held The 2026 May Day rallies served more as political battlegrounds where parties utilised the events to assert their legitimacy and mobilise support, primarily positioning themselves in relation to the JVP-led NPP government.
In this week’s issue of MPA, we examine how political parties positioned themselves at the May Day rallies and how they criticised the government.
2. How did parties position themselves in the political landscape?
The 2026 May Day rallies became a stage for political positioning. The opposition parties used the occasion to define their place in contrast to the governing NPP while also questioning the government’s competence and credibility. The government, on the other hand, framed itself as a break from the past political practices of the opposition parties, which have been rejected by the people.
Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB): “The most viable governing alternative”
The SJB presented itself as the only viable governing alternative — the nucleus around which a post-NPP government can be built.
SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa framed this in two ways: presenting their parliamentary actions as proof of the SJB’s effectiveness—the removal of Speaker Asoka Ranwala and Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody —and publicly consolidating an alliance with the UNP.
The SJB’s criticism of the government was not based on rejecting its position, but on judging it against its own stated standard — accepting the posture of anti-corruption and “system change” and then demonstrating the government has failed to live up to it.
In addition, the SJB also frames the NPP as a “වැඩබැරි/wada-bari” (incompetent) government, citing various issues ranging from unauthorised release of shipping containers and the purchase of low-quality coal.[2]
Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP): “Political victims that will rise again”
The SLPP appeared to position itself as a party of popular political leaders, subject to harassment through the political manipulation of the law enforcement institutions.
Rather than directly contesting allegations of corruption, the party attacked the integrity of the accountability process itself. By framing the pre-announcement of court verdicts by the NPP (for instance, the president was criticised for making remarks about the verdict of ongoing cases) as a form of judicial capture, the SLPP tended to delegitimise convictions before they were delivered, turning what the government presents as the rule of law into an indication of political victimisation.
Frontline Socialist Party (FSP): “The authentic left alternative”
The FSP sought to position itself as an authentic left alternative to the NPP. Through imagery associated with Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the party criticised the government’s relationship with global capital and the IMF.[3]
The critique appeared aimed at sections of the JVP’s traditional support base — students, trade unionists and youth — who may feel that the “system change” promised by the NPP has not translated into a more socially conscious restructuring of the economy.
National People’s Power (NPP): The party of “system change”
Framing the opposition parties as part of the old political order, the government positioned itself as a “party of system change”, breaking with past political practices built around family dynasties, nepotism and corruption.
NPP speakers framed the administration as one centred on merit, accountability and the rule of law, while presenting the current period as one in which no individual would be above justice. This also allowed the government to dismiss opposition criticism as the reaction of political actors fearful of possible future legal consequences.
[1] The MPA team monitored Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube using Junkipedia for the keywords May rally and Anura Kumara in Sinhala from May 1 to 10, 2026.
[2] See MPA Vol.15, #25.
[3] For more information, see: Statement made by FSP Propaganda Secretary Duminda Nagamuwa. Aruna, May 4, 2026, page 13.
To view this week’s news summaries, please click here.
To view this week’s social media data, please click here.
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